The New Normal

 

In another guest post, Eleonora Sartori reflects on the messages from yesterday’s demonstration.

The new normal

In Canto III of the Inferno, Dante Alighieri describes the sighs and piercing cries of woe of “the miserable spirits of those who lived neither infamy nor praise”. These are the so-called “ignavi”, from Latin “ignavus”, i.e. someone who is not active nor diligent. They are placed together with “that worthless choir of Angels who did not rebel, nor yet were untrue to God, but sided with themselves.”

Given that the ignavi never dared take a stand for what they truly believed was right, but merely passively supported the strongest, they are subject to the poetic punishment of “no hope of death”. In fact they are condemned to an “unseeing life” where both Mercy and Justice hold them in contempt.

Their desolate condition is so tremendous that even Virgil, Dante’s teacher, suggests that Dante abandons them to their hopeless faith by saying the famous words: “Let us not talk of them; but look, and pass” (non ragioniam di lor, ma guarda e passa).

I recalled this scene after watching yesterday’s demonstration of the Civil Society Network. Many Maltese citizens (and I’d like to stress that they were citizens) were protesting in the streets, marching with banners or with tape on their mouths as a symbol of attempts to silence free speech. Even though a very big manifestation had already taken place two Sundays ago, at the very heart of Malta’s capital, they decided to march again on the streets, this time in the surroundings of where Mrs Caruana Galizia was brought up.

During the speech written by Jacques and so well delivered by Antonio, Jacques stressed that “Qiegħdin hawn biex inwasslu messaġġ fejn ngħidu li ilkoll kemm aħna nirrifjutaw li dan huwa THE NEW NORMAL. Li nirrifjutaw li dan huwa BUSINESS AS USUAL. » (yes, I am learning Maltese and yes, it is a beautiful language, though I only end up practicing it through politics nowadays ).

Why am I mentioning this particular bit of Jacques’ speech right now?

Because one of the first Maltese expressions that I’ve learnt when I started my second semester of Maltese was “Rajt ma rajtx, smajt ma smajtx”. An expression whose meaning I think only a Mediterranean mind fully grasps: the idea of pretending not to have seen nor heard for the sake of staying out of trouble. The idea of ignavia. The idea of omertà.

Those citizens protesting yesterday where calling for justice, but most important of all, were asking their countrymen and women to play a more active role in what’s happening in the country right now. Pia Zammit called for people to be engaged in what needs to be done right now to restore the Rule of law in Malta and honor Daphne’s memory by calling for more justice and transparence at all levels of the Maltese society.

And how can you start this tremendous job?

I think surely by not letting anyone around you forget or undermine what’s happening in your country. Daphne’s murder – because we’re not talking about someone’s death, we’re talking about someone’s murder – marked a turning point that cannot and has not to be forgotten.

However, there are those who are trying to make you go back to the passive status of the “ignavi” by calling this situation “merely exceptional”. They want to you to feel that after all business can and actually HAS to go back to usual, because there are other priorities on the agenda and it’s better that people forget this ridiculous quest for the Rule of Law.

And how do they achieve that?

First, they attack you. They call you whores, traitors and assassins if you decide to give up precious days of your life and devote them to protesting outside the PM’s office in Castille. They degrade you by stressing that you are nothing but mere random people whose place is not in the streets, calling for more justice, but back to where they belong – he wrote “Strada Stretta” (he even misspelled it) but even my poor command of Malti allows me to understand that he implied the former prostitutes’ district.

According to this logic, you people are tamed creatures who are useful because you possess the right to vote. Once the ballot is cast, forget about accountability and the sovereignty of the people. It’s them who take the lead. And by undermining your actions and the potential of these actions they make sure that you fully understand where you belong.

Secondly, instead of directly attacking you, they try to defend themselves and make you go back to your place by using a more subtle language. A language – in this instance it was used by your PM during last week- that can both threaten those who want to stand up and exercise their freedom of speech (“All those trying to make political mileage out of the murder of Daphne Caruana Galizia would see it blow up in their face”) and bluntly state what the country’s priorities are: business as usual, i.e.“The murder of blogger Daphne Caruana Galizia triggered off a difficult moment for Malta, but it should not be allowed to derail the country’s long-term plans.”

Let’s read it again: “IT SHOULD NOT BE ALLOWED TO DERAIL THE COUNTRY’S LONG-TERM PLANS.”

When I read this last sentence I was petrified. Seriously, is he saying out loud that it is the murder’s fault if you, the sovereign people, are now marching in the streets and that, by doing so, you are derailing the country from its never-ending Aqwa Zmien?

It’s because of these attitudes and the use of such a language that you all need to keep up the good work that has already been done over the past two weeks and go back to monitoring what is done by those who have the obligation to represent you.

Jiena smajt u rajt, u intom?

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Diskors Dimostrazzjoni Socjeta’ Civili

This is the speech that Antonio Tufigno read on my behalf at the Civil Society Demonstration today.

X’intom tagħmlu hawn? X’inġbartu tagħmlu għal darba oħra madwar din l-għajta għall-Ġustizzja? Għadkom ma xbajtux? Għadkom ma għajjejtux? Ħarsu waħda fuq il-lemin u fuq ix-xellug tagħkom. X’ġew jagħmlu hawnhekk dawn in-nies illum? X’inhi din is-socjeta’ civili? Għalfejn dal-kjass, dan l-istorbju kollu? Għalfejn dawn it-talbiet? Għalfejn qed ngħidu li hawn min għandu jirrizenja? Aħna jew m’aħniex f’bidu ta’ rivoluzzjoni? U rivoluzzjoni f’isem xiex u min?

Ġimagħtejn ilu seħħ assassinju oxxen. Inqatlet bl-iktar mod premeditat mara qalbiena, omm kuraġġuża u kittieba sbukkata. Ġimagħtejn ilu seħħet skossa kbir fis-socjeta’ Maltija u minn dakinhar xejn ma jista jerga’ jkun l-istess. Is-socjeta civili qamet mir-raqda twila li kienet ilha fiha. Kienet ilha ma tridx temmen u ma tridx tisma’ li l-qafas ta’ pajjiżna sejjer lura bil-ħeden.

Lura mhux f’sens ekonomiku għax dik l-illużjoni hemm għada. Le, mhux f’sens ekonomiku. F’sens ieħor. Għax filwaqt li qed ngħixu fi żmien is-surplus ekonomiku qed nassistu żmien id-deficit civiku u socjali. X’intom tagħmlu hawn? Staqsejtkom. Ħafna minnkom issa draw ilissnu l-kliem “Saltna tad-Dritt” – il-famuża “Rule of Law”. Issa li qomna mir-raqda qed nindunaw u nitgħallmu li din tfisser ugwaljanza quddiem il-liġi…

Li l-liġi hija l-istess għal kullħadd …

u li min hu fdat bit-tmexxija tal-pajjiż huwa marbut u suġġett għall-istess liġijiet daqs kull wieħed u waħda minna.

U għaliex qed nitkellmu dwar dan issa? Għaliex kellu jkun assassinju kiefer ta’ ġurnalista biex nibdew nitkellmu dwar riformi ta’ pajjiż? X’inhu in-ness, il-link, bejn ħaġa u oħra?

Matthew, Andrew u Paul – t-tfal ta’ Daphne – qalu li ma jridux biss ġustizzja penali – jiġifieri li jinstab min hu ħati tad-delitt specifiku – iżda jixtiequ riżultati iktar wiesgħa – iktar dejjiema. Jixtiequ li l-pajjiż jirritorna għal stat fejn id-dritt jirrenja – fejn kull wieħed u waħda minna iħossu cittadin liberu u cittadin li m’għandux minn xiex jibża’..

Sabiex isir dan it-tibdil, sabiex jintlaħqu dawn il-miri hemm bżonn li tqum fuq tagħha s-socjeta’ civili. Hemm bżonn li dan il-moviment magħmul minn kull wieħed u waħda minnkom ikompli jikber u jitgħallem u jemmen dak li qed jipproponi.

Għalhekk qiegħdin hawn. Qiegħdin hawn għax l-istat naqasna.

Naqas magħna lkoll. L-istat fis-sens wiesgħa tal-kelma m’għadux iservi lil pajjiż iżda kull ma jmur qiegħed iservi biss lic-crieki ta’ poter.

L-istat naqasna għax tħalla isir, jew jissawwar, sabiex jaqdi l-bżonnijiet tribalistici ta’ dawk li jifirduna. Falla għax il-kostituzzjoni u il-liġijiet tagħna baqgħu jitbagħbsu sabiex jinqdew l-allat foloz u sakemm spicca intesa’ ic-cittadin.

Għalhekk qiegħdin hawn. Għax sabiex titqajjem kuxjenza dwar dawn il-problemi hemm bżonn li l-poplu – li s-socjeta’ civili – jiftakar li huwa s-Sovran.

Iva sovran. Fis-saltna tad-dritt, dik li tiggarantilna li il-liberta’ – il-poter bażiku – jinstab fil-poplu. Dak il-poter jiġi fdat lill-politici għal peridjodu ta’ żmien u huwa dmir tagħhom li jużawh fl-interess tal-ġid komuni.

Qiegħdin hawn għax dawk li fdajnilhom il-kuruna tas-saltna tad-dritt naqsuna lkoll. Naqsuna kull darba li ippermettew li jitmermru l-istituzzjonijiet li xogħlhom kien li jipproteguna. Naqsuna kull meta ippermettew li tissikket kull tip ta’ kritika jew oppozizzjoni. Naqsuna kull meta ħadu sehem dirett f’azzjonijiet sabiex jissiktu l-kritici. Naqsuna meta biegħu il-valuri tagħna lkoll sabiex igawdu il-ftit.

Qiegħdin hawn, fl-aħħar, għax kellha tkun xokk lis-sistema bl-assassinju atroci ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia. Issa ma nistgħu nonqsu la lilha u lanqas lil dak li ħadmet hi ukoll għalih.

Qiegħdin hawn proprju fil-belt fejn trabbiet biex l-ewwelnett ma ninsewx lil Daphne u dik il-ħidma tagħha li biha għenet biex jinkixfu l-problemi ta’ pajjiżna.

Qiegħdin hawn biex ma ninsewx. Għaliex nonqsu aħna mir-rispett lejn Daphne jekk inħallu l-memorja tagħha tintesa wara ftit żmien u jekk ma jsir xejn sabiex tinbidel is-sitwazzjoni preżenti li kienet ukoll il-kaġun li waslet għal mewtha.

Qiegħdin hawn biex inwasslu messaġġ fejn ngħidu li ilkoll kemm aħna nirrifjutaw li dan huwa THE NEW NORMAL. Li nirrifjutaw li dan huwa BUSINESS AS USUAL. Li nirrifjutaw li kull min qiegħed jgħolli leħnu dwar il-bżonn ta’ bidla jiġi sistematikament attakkat bħala traditur jew bħala partiġġjan. Li nirrifjutaw l-akkuża li xi roadmap ta’ xi politiku qed jiġi sabotaġġat b’din l-għajta għall-Ġustizzja.

Qiegħdin hawn bħala l-ewwel pass ta’ bidla importanti għal pajjiż li jrid jreġġa lura lejn is-saltna tad-dritt, bħala pajjiż fil-qalba ta’ l-ewropa b’vokazzjoni li jkun l-aqwa – iva – imma l-aqwa xempju ta’ liberta’, demokrazija u ġustizzja.

Qiegħdin hawn għal-vjaġġ twil. Il-bidla mhix ser issir minn jum għall-ieħor. Għad irridu nikkonvincu ħafna nies dwar kemm din il-bidla hija siewja għal pajjiżna, għalina u għal uliedna. Intom ilkoll li qiegħdin hawn tistgħu tkunu xhieda iżda anki attivi f’din il-bidla. Nista’ ngħidilkom li magħkom hemm ħafna Maltin u Għawdxin li, bħali,  jgħixu barra – Maltin ta’ Londra, Maltin ta’ Brussell, Maltin tal-Lussemburgu, Maltin tal-Isvizzera. Maltin li baqgħu marbuta sew ma dak li qed jiġri f’pajjiżna u li għandhom ħafna x’jikkontribwixxu għal din il-bidla.

Jien fost il-ħafna li kibru jaqraw il-kolonni ta’ Daphne fil-gazzetti u li ġejt ispirat minnha sabiex nuża l-pinna bħala arma politika.  Forsi irreciprokajt ftit din l-ispirazzjoni meta permezz tal-blog tiegħi, waqt iljieli ta’ diskussjonijiet jaħarqu fuq l-istess blog fi żmien l-elezzjoni tal-elfejn u tmienja, Daphne iddecidiet tiftaħ blog tagħha. The rest, kif jgħidu, is history.

Jien ukoll għadni immur  fuq il-blog tagħha b’mod awtomatiku sabiex nara x’inhu jiġri f’pajjiżi. Il-vojt li ħalliet warajha huwa enormi. Ma rridux ninsew li dan il-vojt inħoloq għax kienet tikteb. Għax ma beżgħet minn xejn u ħadd.

Ippermettuli insellem lill-familjari kollha ta’ Daphne f’dan il-mument. L-ebda kliem ma huma biżżejjed biex jimlew il-vojt li qed tħossu. Ma hemm l-ebda mod aħjar kif nirrispettaw il-memorja ta’ Daphne ħlief li nissuktaw f’din it-taqbida għall-Ġustizzja.

Aħna is-socjeta’ civili. Il-poplu magħqud qatt ma jkun mirbuħ.

GRAZZI.

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Corradin No

A reader joins the increasing number of J’accuse contributors. “As You Are” kicks off his contributions with a poem called Corradin No.

 

Corradin No

Maltese politicians will never know
what it’s like to do time at Corradino
and then, when it’s over, to go back home
to your mum, or your girlfriend, or your wife,
or whoever,
who will lovingly try to heal
all the wounds you suffered,
except the wounds deep inside your anus
and the wounds deep inside your heart
because, of course,
you’ll never tell anyone
about those.

Maltese politicians will never know
any of that at all.
They will never know Corradino,
no matter what they do.

But you can know.
And you will
if you push your luck too far.
Just grow some weed
and wait your turn.
It will come eventually
unless you’re a Maltese politician.

As You Are

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The part I don’t take

The list of speakers for tomorrow’s Civil Society Demonstration has been published and readers by now will have noticed that I am one of them. I have seen comments directed at me both on the Times and Independent articles on the event. According to one commentator I was an obvious choice because I wrote “against the PL” prior to 2013. Another commentator was convinced that my time served as president of the university student’s union was served in the capacity of a PN representative.

To be fair, that was just about it. Not much fodder it seems. Which probably means that I am sufficiently of an unknown factor to pass the grade of most suspicious observers. I could answer both the comments stating firstly that I have written “against the PL” both before and after 2013. My track record is such that my writings took me “against the PN” often too – especially when the PN deserved more scrutiny as the party in government. Luckily I have 12 years of blogging to back my claims.

As for my time in KSU – the allegation is risible to say the least. My time spent both in SDM and in KSU was at the service of students and the student community. I proudly state that together with my colleagues of the time I was responsible for a (albeit temporary) rift between the SDM and the Nationalist Party. The reason is simple – I did not take kindly to being dictated how to do politics for a party’s sake.

This is not an apologia for my past or for my credentials to address tomorrow’s crowd. This is more of a look at why I believe that the kind of activism that is developing in and around the current crisis is perforce a non-partisan one. The wider aims and goals of the civil society that has begun to stir go beyond the immediate demands made by the Civil Society Network. The fundamental aim is constitutional reform. Constitutional reform that is radical and has to be so.

Such Constitutional Reform must be party-free. Understand this. Party-free not party neutral. The thinking outside the box begins at that point. We have had a constitutional system that developed around and at the service of two parties. I have repeated this notion ad nauseam. The reason for the institutional rot is also because there is a limit to how much you can bend and twist the rules to serve two masters. The reason for institutional rot is not to be placed at the foot of one party or another. There is no measure that can blame one party more than the other. The reason must be placed squarely at the feet of both parties. Yes. The PLPN.

So think outside the box we must. The movement must become a constitutional movement. The proposals of what a new Malta should look like will be manifold. Already there are disagreements among proponents as to which system will be better however there is one crucial matter that must be remembered: the discourse has been brought to the forefront of the national agenda.

Before the election I founded the Advocates for the Rule of Law together with some colleagues of mine. Our aim was to highlight the deficit of rule of law that was becoming increasingly obvious. Yes, it became increasingly obvious under Labour’s watch but be careful, the problem was rooted much much earlier. Here is a snippet from a blog post (and from my Independent on Sunday column at the time) in March 2010: what many would call less suspicious times:

“All three branches of the state are currently under heavy attack and the levels of trust that “the people” seem to have in the administrative, executive and the judiciary appear to be alarmingly low. This is not healthy for our democracy – it’s a rot that is setting in. The rot must be exposed, not in a partisan, self-interested kind of way but rather in an objective attempt at rediscovering what we want for the future of our nation.”

I reread my posts over the years since 2005 and to me it sounds like a broken record. Not – as an observer on Daphne’s blog observed tauntingly very recently – the broken clock that is right twice a day. No, this was a constant consistent message. Over the years I and other like-minded individuals explored possibilities for constitutional change. We believed that the change should start from the house of representatives. Transforming it into a truly representative institution would mean proportional representation and having a clear cut separation from the executive. It did not make sense to have a third of parliament sitting in the cabinet.

The discourse of reform needed a crisis to be kicked off. Sadly the crisis took the ugliest form that one would never have wished for – the death of a vociferous journalist. The agenda of reform that had been hinted at mildly during Panamagate and its aftermath was now catapulted to the forefront. The Advocates for the Rule of Law (AFTROL) had managed to put the words on the nations mouth: Rule of Law. The discussion had remained at a technical level and the election had pummelled a people into silence.

The new crisis has brought the discussion back with a vengeance. What needs to be understood is that this is not about asking Joseph Muscat to resign. It is not about advocating or pushing for the usual alternation. It is much deeper than that. The nation desperately needs the reform for its own good. Citizens need to understand that so long as they pin their hopes on the partisan assessment of politics then all hope is lost. The two political parties will always be in survival mode. It is parallel to their need to be in power to make the system work to their advantage. The rules  must stay the same – even if they will pay lip service to constitutional reform.

Now more than ever it is imperative that we are not partisan. The part I don’t take is the part in part-isan. It is imperative that we begin to understand that the Civil Society Movement must establish itself with even higher standards than the temporary ones that are being  asked for right now. Constitutional reform must come from the heart of the nation. From its sovereign. We the people.

I am not partisan. I don’t need to be and cannot be. My duty as a civil activist is to fight for constitutional change that brings about the proper reforms. That brings about the rule of law.

We are servants of the law so that we may be free.

 

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Strait Street Activism

October 2017 has also been the month of the worldwide #metoo campaign – a campaign highlighting the victims of sexual assault. Tonight, as hundreds of women kicked off the #occupyjustice campaign by setting up tents in Castille Square a civil rights stalwart from the 20th century decided to offer his own expert opinion on the matter.

The former leader of the Labour-linked Trade Union decided that the women outside Castille should actually have been in Strait Street and to make sure that his cultural reference was not missed he specified that this was Strait Street of the sixties – those swinging sixties when brothels and sexy nightlife were accessible in Malta too and not just in Soho and Dusseldorf. Not content with the “whores” jibe, Zarb continued to say that these were traitors of Malta and linked them to “a crew of Assassins who would do anything to get into Power”. The reference once again is clear. These women were part of a party that would do anything to get into power – including kill someone (assassini).

Wonderful. These are the sons of Labour. The sons of the government with the spanking track record of civil rights. This is Tony Zarb’s massive #metoo moment. Tony manages to verbally harass hundreds of women in one go. This is the kind of impunity that we speak about when we speak of the collapse of the rule of law. Others have dared where Tony dares today. Those others have rarely had to face serious repercussions for their actions. At most they are admonished only to find themselves promoted to positions of trust and satisfactory reimbursement before long.

There is a wonderful saying in Maltese. Tony might get it immediately since it deals with a subject close at heart. “Il-qaħba milli jkollha ttik“… and hell yeah, Tony’s giving us the best that he’s got.

Daphne’s sons sent bay leaves tonight to the women at Castille square. They represent the strength and courage that are needed in this battle. Harassment comes in many forms – some worse than others.

The women at Castille will surely not be bowed by such low comments.

We will not be bowed.

Having seen what went on, Ele sent me this bedtime story that I thought I would share with you:

One day Tony wakes up to find out that his countrywomen have decided to gather in Castille square. They want to spend some days there to call for justice after the brutal assassination of Daphne – also a countrywoman.
Tony however only sees a group of girls that want to spend the night out claiming nonsensical rights. 
After all, they are just women.
Shouldn’t they be in Strait Street instead? he asks himself. 
Tony reasons like this because he is a man (miskin). He ought to remember that he is also a public political figure.
But unfortunately, this means little nowadays in Malta.
#accountability #ruleoflaw #iamalreadywarm #metoo #iamnotemotional
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The Long Haul

“The murder of blogger Daphne Caruana Galizia triggered off a difficult moment for Malta, but it should not be allowed to derail the country’s long-term plans, Prime Minister Joseph Muscat said today.”

Muscat was speaking in a pre-recorded message to the audience of the EY annual conference in Malta. It had to be a video tape because Muscat was busily back to business-as-usual peddling passports in Dubai (he actually stopped for a meeting with an Oil Magnate from the Emirates before that, he’s not one to miss this kind of beat). There would be more Newspeak from Muscat in Dubai where the Henley & Partners contracted speaker would tell an audience of potential buyers that the cash-for-passports scheme was not there simply for Malta to make money. He went further… “Malta’s cash-for-passports scheme was not about making a quick buck and the country’s economy is not dependent on it”. A surplus of newspeak for the day.

Back to his earlier taped speech though. We “should not be allowed” to derail the country’s long term plans. He told the audience. Look into his eyes, look into his eyes – you are hurt but don’t let this stick for too long. Get back on the script. Everything is fine and dandy. The economy is booming. It is not thanks to Malta’s increasing dependence on shady deals. You’ve got it good. Do you want to ruin it all? Rule of law? Of course we have institutions. We have a police commissioner and an attorney general too. Joseph Muscat trusts them and while he hears your complaints he begs to differ. (Sorry, I said begs, I mean haughtily dismisses).

It is all too easy to speak of Nero fiddling while Rome burns. It is crucial though that we get to focus. This is the defining moment of civil society. It cannot rely on either of the traditional parties. It must build its own momentum and take the battle to the front on its own steam. The most important element is constant education, constant information, and constant refreshing of memory. The machines are in motion to convince you that this is business as usual. The hideous strategy of targeting critics as being non-patriots cannot be allowed to work.

Civil society must learn to look in the mirror and recognise itself free from all the shackles of partisan interpretation. The key for identification is simple. Civil society criticises and advocates for change for the good of the country. Anyone working for the good of anything else – particularly for the revival or strengthening of one or other of the PLPN hegemony is not part of this new battle.

Here is a message to Joseph Muscat. Civil society is not out to derail the country’s long term plans. Civil society is here to set the country back on track in spite of the existence of both parties. The movement will grow. It is inevitable. Constitutional reform must and will come from the ultimate sovereign: the people. We will not let you fake that one too.

We’re here to stay. We’re here for the long haul.

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