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J’accuse : Cool Britannia?

Listening to London’s Heart radio on a Saturday morning, I got to know that for the first time ever the capital’s Oxford and Regent streets would be traffic free for the whole day. The reason for this car-free bonanza was of course shopping. Londoners who forwent the option of visiting such colossi as Bluewater and Brent Cross would be granted the possibility of traipsing around the main shopping streets free from the polluting nuisance of cars. Conservative estimates had it that by the evening of this busiest shopping day of the year (for London), a million and a half shoppers would have hit the stores − presumably to spend some of their well-earned British Pounds.

Nothing abnormal there is there? Whether it is Sliema, Valletta or London, every town will be doing its best to get the lion’s share of the Christmas spending market and London is no exception. Enthusiasm oozed out of the radio as the announcer coordinated listeners through traffic jams, transport hitches and special opening times towards the giant Mecca of consumption. Here was Britain’s answer to the US Black Friday. There was even a whiff of the Dickensian Christmas that could be detected through the advertorials… until the half-hourly news stepped in.

Are you being deceived?

Yep. For the news could not miss out on the greatest item of the day. Europe (the naughty, naughty EU) had decided to forge ahead without the UK. It was all over the place − from the indignation and anger of Sarkozy, the unaffected matter-of-factness of Frau Merkel, and the schoolboy half-hearted apologies of David Cameron: The Euro 17 + 9 others (that means all the EU minus the UK) will forge ahead with an intergovernmental pact. The Euro Debt Summit (you know how bad things are when the word “Debt” creeps into the summit title) had unsurprisingly resulted in egg on the face for whoever thought that states would pool sovereignty as easily as they pool debts.

The best off-record comment I read about the summit has been attributed to an anonymous French diplomat. He said: “The Brits turned up to the Euro Summit like a man who turns up to a wife-swapping party without a wife.” I’m assuming it was not Strauss-Kahn who said that but probably someone with very much the same mentality. What did happen of course is that many states were not that eager to have a rapid tinker with the Treaties as the Merkozy duo had suggested at the beginning of the week. What they have opted for is the sort of Intergovernmental Agreement that consolidates the belief that we are still at a stage where nations and their sovereignty come before any idea of union and solidarity, which is also what federations are about.

United we lend

Behind the minutiae of the agreement lie a few unaltered truths. States will hang on to their fiscal policies and will only allow a mechanism that punishes deficit defaulters if they are allowed to create the deficit in the first place. Essentially, while the Lisbon criteria regarding deficits were a sort of invitation to budgetary discipline, the new agreement turns that invitation into compulsory conformity − with consequences for those who fail.

Why is the UK out? The UK is out because it never was really that far in. It sat at the table for 10 hours demanding the impossible in exchange for its participation. Frankly, the UK is not the problem. The issue here is how much of this is a long-term solution and how much will turn out to be cosmetic playing to the markets. The opting for an intergovernmental approach is also a clear sign that Europe might have once again missed its chance of institutional integration within a federal framework. One of this week’s blog posts on J’accuse (http://www.akkuza.com/2011/12/06/aaa/) looks at a speech delivered by Polish Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski.

Calling spades

Sikorski’s speech has the added advantage of having that no-nonsense approach. Here are his words of advice to the UK:

You have given the Union its common language. The Single Market was largely your brilliant idea. A British commissioner runs our diplomacy. You could lead Europe on defence. You are an indispensable link across the Atlantic. On the other hand, the eurozone’s collapse would hugely harm your economy. Also, your total sovereign, corporate and household debt exceeds 400 per cent of GDP. Are you sure markets will always favour you? We would prefer you in, but if you can’t join, please allow us to forge ahead. And please start explaining to your people that European decisions are not Brussels’ diktats but results of agreements in which you freely participate.

If you can’t join us please allow us to forge ahead. That was Sikorski’s “plea” to the UK on 28th November. By 9th December, Europe was doing just that − forging ahead.

The UK was left wondering whether this opt-out was really such a good deal after all. Either that or, instead of wondering, it was busy shopping in Oxford and Regent streets because the recession might turn out to be one big Brussels lie after all … might it not?

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Mediawatch

We are like dictatorate state

The abysmal levels to which we have descended insofar as the language of Shakespeare is concerned provide much food for thought about our nation. It’s not just pronunciation in the manner of a Maltese Arsenal fan during an impromptu interview outside the Emirates Stadium. It’s not a flustered Miss Malta doing her best to sound like a woman of the world who juggles between sushi lessons and saving the Japanese nation from the tsunami aftermath. It’s a general “alazobbizmu” that has taken over when it comes to stringing a few words in English. The cult of “u ijja fhimtni” (bah… so long as you understood) has long overtaken the “chip on the shoulder” reply of “I’m Maltese and not born in London” which is also an enigmatic reply.

The UK might have started the slow and painful separation process from the EU project. English as it is spake in the outlying lands of Europa is in for a jolly funny ride. Here is Mario J Spiteri commenting on Bocca’s column and providing us with more than one candidate for funny t-shirt slogans.

 Mario J Spiteri

Today, 15:31
Oh Dr. ABC, like PN had done last week at their HQ. Shame on you dear with all respect, you should be sorry for insult the intelligence with your contribution. YES if you want to hide that now we are the same when PN was, one cannot show that he/she is Labourite. We are not a totalitary state. Well you’re showing properly that we are like dictatorate state with the peaceful angels (devils dressed in angels vest)

Bumper sticker 1: SHAME ON YOU DEAR WITH ALL RESPECT

Bumper sticker 2: SORRY FOR INSULT THE INTELLIGENCE

Bumper sticker 3: WE ARE THE SAME WHEN PN WAS

Bumper sticker 4: WE ARE NOT A TOTALITARY STATE

Bumper sticker 5: YOU’RE SHOWING PROPERLY

Bumper sticker 6: WE ARE LIKE DICTATORATE STATE WITH THE PEACEFUL ANGELS

 

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Euroland

That Intergovernmental Feeling

 

 

So we have the first results out from the latest round of talks to “save the Euro” and “tackle the crisis”. You have probably read about the UK’s latest “opt-out”, about how this means that there will be further “deepening” between the euro-zone 17 + (probably) 8 others while the UK, Sweden and (some have mentioned) Hungary sit on the fence. You might have quizzed the use of the words “golden rule” and wondered whether Malta’s PM and Opposition leader actually can do anything about the direction Euro politics is taking – was their adamant stance against a common fiscal system just a bit of brinkmanship or did they really mean it? Has Europe just skipped a gluttonous opportunity/excuse to go federal? Will the UK’s “splendid isolationsim” be justified?

Those questions and much more will be tackled (or left unanswered) in the next full post on J’accuse. Yes.

P.S. The current layout is temporary and we sincerely apologise for the sporadic posts on your facebook newsfeeds.

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Euroland

AAA

Luxembourg is hanging onto its triple-A rating by the skin of its teeth. A string of the “well-to-do” nations in Europe wake up every Monday nowadays dreading the much-feared Standard & Poors downgrade from AAA to AA. Many still live in the land of make believe where they think that a downgrade is nigh impossible – even if the once mighty United States has already taken the punch. The national press here in the Duchy reported Ministerial songs of austerity and budget restrictions a week or so ago but there still seems to be an air of “this will never happen to us”. North of the border Elio di Rupo becomes Brussels first francophone Prime Minister since 1974 and has a government of 12 Ministers and 6 Secretaries formed just in time for the upcoming Treaty negotiations.

What Treaty negotiations I hear you ask? Well it seems that the Merkozy duumvirate is pressing for a revised Treaty by March next year. March. That’s “only” three months away. I say only because it’s a treaty rewriting we are talking about – one that usually requires months and months of horse-trading and negotiations. Merkozy will not have that. They need a Treaty Change and they need it now. “Change is…” that’s Barack Obama’s new battle-cry. In this case “Change” is an attempt at avoiding what Radek Sikorski called “disintegration” in his now famous speech in Berlin on the 28th November.

“the entire practice of lending money presupposed at least the honest intention to repay”

Sikorski’s speech made waves and it did so because it called a spade a spade. Here he is exposing the problems of the Euro zone’s failings:

We have a Europe with a dominant currency but no single Treasury to enforce it. We have joint borders without a common migration policy. We are supposed to have a common foreign policy, but it is divorced from real instruments of power and often weakened by member states cutting their own deals. I could go on. Most of our institutions and procedures depend on the goodwill and sense of propriety of member states. It works tolerably well when the going is good. But then a wave of migrants shows up on the EU’s border, or a civil war blows up in our neighborhood, or markets panic. And then, what do we habitually do? We run for cover in the familiar framework of the nation state.

The nation state. That’s what we were saying a while back about new republics. Not Joseph Muscat’s sudden flirt with ideas about “Second Republics” – verbal contracts, not worth the paper that they are written on. The nation state in its revised form takes note of the realities within which it operates and accounts for them. Sikorski refers to the early hiccups in the US federation and in the Swiss federation. I recall ten to fifteen years ago during our European Studies when the “deepening vs widening” question was very much the vogue. Our biggest question then was when we asked what it would take for the big step towards federative structures to take place. Sikorski gave us the answer.

It’s the economy, stupid.

 

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J’accuse : Midnight in Malta

This week I watched Midnight in Paris, Woody Allen’s latest invitation to an hour or so of light pseudo-intellectual engagement, and enjoyed every bit of the movie. Gil Pender, the protagonist played by Owen Wilson in this modern fable, is a Hollywood scriptwriter who happens to be in Paris with his fiancée while struggling to write his first novel. We witness Pender’s attempt to write his novel while trying to satisfy the needs of his rather shallow and socialite fiancée.

There is no real depth to Woody Allen’s characters in the movie but this is probably because he is busy eagerly exploring psychological themes. “Midnight’s” recurrent theme is very topical, especially in our current political climate, and deals with what is called “Golden Age nostalgia”. Our writer protagonist is plagued by this nostalgia and ends up travelling in time to the age he craves for most − Paris in the 20s. There he gets to meet his heroes from Scott Fitzgerald to Hemmingway, from Dali to Buñuel (Allen and his surrealist obsession) and while interacting with them he discovers, among other things, that even these people − living in what he considers to be the best age ever − themselves craved for a better age in the past: La Belle Époque Paris.

Nostalgia

“Midnight” is about artistic nostalgia. Over the past week we have witnessed a twisted form of nostalgia on our own shores. In between storms and floods that laughed in the face of the “Ghaqal” and “Serjetà” adverts, we were regaled with a battle of historic political propaganda. Political anniversaries tend to be more pronounced when the year is a multiple of five. There is no other reason for this than the fact that we think in decimals.

The 25th, 30th or 80th anniversary of an event has no deeper meaning than the 21st, 32nd or 11th. This is more so when the occasion is one of remembrance and not a celebration of endurance or longevity of some record. It’s one thing celebrating a long stretch of time − like an Independence anniversary or the founding date of a club for example − but remembrance is not about the time that has passed but about the meaning of what is being commemorated. On 11th November we do not go around counting the years since 1918 − we just remember and honour those who died for our freedom. That is the point: “Lest we forget”.

Which is why the fact that 25 years have passed since the tal-Barrani incidents should not be the main reason for remembering what happened and what we believed we were fighting for at the time. Yes, I definitely count myself among those who believe that this kind of episode in our history should not be forgotten and should be one of the learning blocks in the building of a nation. It is also not out of a twisted exercise of “balancing” between historical truths that I also believe that the “Interdiction” period for example is also part of our collective memory.

Luce

What happened this week though did not feel like remembrance. Remembrance does not use history as an instrument for current political campaigning. The feeling you got was that the memories were being used as a warning against the current Labour clan because they would bring us more of the same. As an unnamed blogger put it: “It’s like asking those who lived through the Second World War to dismiss a Nazi that seeks power. Forgive maybe, forget never.” By that rationale Labour would be eternally unelectable because it could never shed the historical links to an ugly past. Which is rubbish. There is a reason why the Nazi party has been outlawed and the Labour Party hasn’t.

That was the Nationalists shooting themselves in the foot by attempting to turn history into contemporary electoral propaganda. Then came the Labourites − and they went one better. I watched a clip from the ONE TV programme Inkontri that supposedly chronicled the work of post-1987 government till today (To see the full clip go to the blog www.akkuza.com on the post called “Daqqiet ta’ Harta”).

I felt physically sick. First it was evident that the effort was a counter-reaction to the tal-Barrani PN series. Worse though was the fact that it was clear to anybody with a brain between his ears that this was an effort at blatant political revisionism. Revisionism is not even the word. This was creative fantasy that falls to the same level as holocaust denial. You’d think that the PN governments since 1987 were run by a clan of Mintoff’s friends − from Ceausescu to Kim-Il Jong through Gaddafi.

The Labour Party still cannot come to terms with the fact that in a liberal society you do not lock up or gag people like Lou Bondì and Daphne Caruana Galizia but you get the right to answer and argue back or ignore them. The irony of watching the Inkontri presenter stand outside PN HQ and complain about how in today’s society the right of free expression has been completely negated, was in all probability lost on the fawning viewers.

Golden Age

Back to Allen. The nostalgia for a Golden Age is described psychologically as a form of escapism. It is a form of denial of modern realities. The Nationalist Party might have committed a faux pas when appealing to the sense of solidarity that many of us had in 1987 when the call for “Work, Justice and Liberty” gave us an instant rush. The faux pas was not about remembrance but about its abuse. The distraction effect from today’s’ troubles is minimal and to be honest the transference of the sense of optimism and hope experienced at the time is nigh impossible. Better keep their feet to the ground.

As for Labour, the problems run deeper. Nostalgia does not help much but the past keeps raising its ugly head even when “those bastard Nationalists” are minding their own business. There’s worse. Labour acolytes must have experienced another psychological phenomenon mentioned in the Allen movie: “Cognitive dissonance”. Wikipedia describes this as “the discomfort caused by holding conflicting ideas simultaneously”.

When psychologists first studied cognitive dissonance they looked at groups that had predicted imminent disasters (such as the end of the world). They looked at what happened when the prediction failed − and noticed that such groups grew “by sharing the cult beliefs with others they gained acceptance and thus reduced their own dissonance” (Wikipedia). Another example often given is “smoking”. You know it is wrong for you but you smoke anyway − the two thoughts coincide uncomfortably in your mind.

Loyalty and Creed

Nostalgia is about thinking of the golden ages of our respective parties and of the events that made them stronger. Engaging heavily in nostalgia at the moment is very probably a form of escapist denial − a failure to engage with current issues and the present. The dissonance in the voters’ mind is between the side of him that wants to see his party as a solution − come what may − and the side of him that is beginning to see gaping flaws in the way forward that is proposed.

Muscat’s 51 proposals from another planet must have induced cognitive dissonance in many a Labour sympathiser. It was evident even in the comments on J’accuse. While the Labour Party was evidently pitching the list as a set of solutions (see the official email sent out explaining how Gonzi has only got questions but Muscat has solutions), sympathisers still insisted on “giving Muscat a chance” or about how this was just a “general plan” not the solution itself. Even given all the evidence in the world that the 51 proposals was just a list of propagandistic blah-blah, the Labour side of the brain fought desperately to “believe”.

Striking Twelve

The Belgians finally got a government this week. On 2nd December, the first day of government, a general protest was announced and thousands took to the streets protesting against the austerity plans. That baptism of fire was not enough though − an issue of Belgian government bonds was oversubscribed on the very same day. The news at the end of the day was about the mixed messages being given by the Belgian people (for a change). Was this an episode of national cognitive dissonance?

Whatever the case may be, we would do well to pull our socks up and leave nostalgia to historians. At times like this, positive governance and clear direction is not a luxury but a basic necessity − the less political games and distractions the better. Decisions such as investing in sustainable energy and power as well as reforming a justice system cannot and should not be taken lightly. The less time spent in futile propaganda wars the better.

It’s either that, or it’s midnight in Malta.

 

www.akkuza.com has been blogging non-stop since 10 March 2005. We haven’t stopped writing and you haven’t stopped reading. That’s a good enough reason to keep at it.

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Daqqiet ta’ Harta

Tad-daqqiet ta’ ħarta! and Ma jistħux min Alla li ħalaqhom!

These are the expressions that first come to mind within the first two minutes of watching this Labour oriented production (see “Inkontri” clip below). Sure, we have seen a tacky revival of “Tal-Barrani” and “Raymond Caruana” nostalgia from the PN corner of our dumbass political duopoly. I say tacky because although I can understand the argument that “It’s about what has never been said” the result of this PN propoganda campaign is both divisive and alienating. It’s the latest effort at demonisation of all things Labour Past following the infamous “Taste” and “Zokk u Fergħa” campains that risked torpedoing PN’s last campaigns.

Had the PN been left to their own devices then I really believe that this whole “let’s remind the people what it was like to live under Labour 30 years ago” business would have backfired. We would have thought that people did not need reminding. We would have thought that bringing up these matters now would only be a callous attempt at cheap scare-mongering best practised on second-rate blogs. We would have been wrong.

It seems that the people do need reminding. They need reminding because you actually get seemingly intelligent individuals asking “What’s wrong about the eighties?” or shooting off about what a great time the eighties were. For Wham, Duran Duran and Sam Fox maybe. But not for most of us. Hell, I might not have been at Zejtun or sitting at a table with Raymond Caruana but something tells me that going to “school” in your best mate’s garage is not exactly Normality Inc and to people from my generation that is what the eighties was about.

So Labour saw the campaign and did not like it. So they had to come up with their own version of suffering. It’s a bit like the Monty Python “Four Yorkshiremen” sketch  – only none of the sides are joking. So you think life under Labour was bad? Let “Inkontri” tell you how bad life under Eddie was then…. And here it is a video that made me want to fast forward to the next election and stick a huge number one next to whatever PN candidate is lucky enough to be first on the blue list.

This is not revisionism – revisionism involves twisting the truth.

This is a lie.  A blatant lie.

All of it.

See for yourself and tell me whether you too get that ” Tad-daqqiet ta’ ħarta! and Ma jistħux min Alla li ħalaqhom!” feeling.

Inkontri

Barrani

Monty Python

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