Gmiel (Kemal)

 

I have no religion, and at times I wish all religions at the bottom of the sea. He is a weak ruler who needs religion to uphold his government; it is as if he would catch his people in a trap. My people are going to learn the principles of democracy, the dictates of truth and the teachings of science. Superstition must go. Let them worship as they will; every man can follow his own conscience, provided it does not interfere with sane reason or bid him against the liberty of his fellow-men. – Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

Religion is an important institution. A nation without religion cannot survive. Yet it is also very important to note that religion is a link between Allah and the individual believer. The brokerage of the pious cannot be permitted. Those who use religion for their own benefit are detestable. We are against such a situation and will not allow it. Those who use religion in such a manner have fooled our people; it is against just such people that we have fought and will continue to fight. Know that whatever conforms to reason, logic, and the advantages and needs of our people conforms equally to Islam. If our religion did not conform to reason and logic, it would not be the perfect religion, the final religion. – Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

The nation has placed its faith in the precept that all laws should be inspired by actual needs here on earth as a basic fact of national life. – Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

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Tutto il monno è paese

Cangiò canale. C’era un cardinale che parlava della sacralità della famiglia. Ad ascutarlo, in prima fila c’erano ‘na poco d’òmini politici dei quali dù divorziati, uno convivente con una minorenne doppo aviri lassato la mogliere e tri figli, un quarto che mantiniva ‘na famiglia ufficiale e dù famiglie ufficiose, un quinto che non si era mai maritato pirchì era cosa cognita che le fìmmine non gli piacivano. Tutti assentivano gravemente alle parole del cardinale. Cangio canale.

– Andrea Camilleri, Il campo del vasaio

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Dars, Pogguti u Bghula

Mark Vella (formerly of Xifer… il-blogg mit-truf) was provoked into writing this post in reaction to the “Pogguti” billboard:

Jacques talabni nikteb, imma għidtlu li mhux interessat u li kull ma rrid nitfa’ l-vot u nitħalla bil-kwiet. Forsi dan kull ma jrid min biħsiebu jivvota IVA, wara kollox: jitħalla jgħix ħajtu kif irid hu, fil-limiti tar-responsabbiltà adulta u l-legalità.

Imma l-kartellun tal-bgħula u l-poġġuti laqatni wisq. L-ewwelnett, lingwistikament. Hija kampanja kuraġġuża, forsi anki inġenwa, dik li toħroġ għonqha bi kliem iebes bħal dak. Lili darrsitni, ikolli ngħid, għax mill-ewwel laqtitni bħala kontroproduċenti, u eku ta’ dan ġa qrajnih f’diversi interventi ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia. Ħsibt ukoll li l-kampanja forsi clever wisq għax-xena politika Maltija, bil-ħbit tal-LE u l-IVA fl-istess stampa, u fil-kuntest ta’ pubbliku elettorali li ftit jew wisq iħobb kampanji pożittivi b’kartelluni ta’ tfal u familji hienja jiġru fuq il-ħaxix tar-rebbiegħa.

Argumentajt ukoll ma’ sħabi li l-kliem goffi għaliex m’għadhomx jintużaw, u dan kien ukoll argument tal-kamp tal-LE. Xi ħadd qalli, iżda, li jista’ jkun is-soltu preġudizzju lingwistiku u n-nuqqas ta’ kunfidenza f’ilsienna u fil-mod kif nesprimu rwieħna, għax tgħid ma jkunx effettiv kartellun Londra b’mara msawta fuqha u bil-kliem ‘She is not your bitch’, nagħtu każ? Minnu, imma għalija poġġuti u bgħula jibgħatuni lura għal dinja agħar, dinja ta’ kattiverja u preġudizzji li bdejna noħorġu minna milux. Illum, kważi kważi, il-kunċett ta’ poġġut bilkemm jiftiehem, u ftit jafu li oriġinarjament kien aktar jintuża għan-nisa appoġġati jew mantnuti mill-maħbub tagħhom, speċi ta’ sugar daddy. Anki bgħula ħadd m’għadu jgħidha, ħlief fid-dagħdigħat privati ta’ xi familji meta jinqala’ għawġ bħal dan. Trabbejna slavaġ, imma mxejna ‘l quddiem, u għalhekk dawn iż-żewġ kelmiet idarrsu u jissugraw, forsi mhux itellfu l-voti, imma jdallmu xi ftit il-kredibbiltà ta’ moviment progressiv u magħmul minn nies ta’ rieda tajba.

Imma ġieni f’moħħi wkoll li dan il-messaġġ qawwi huwa s-sintomu ta’ kemm din il-ġlieda saret waħda emozzjonali, u kemm xi elementi tal-Knisja u tal-kamp tal-LE ppreċipitaw din is-sitwazzjoni, mhux bil-fehma leġittima tagħhom imma bl-istrataġemmi offensivi li jużaw u billi jżeffnu, fl-istil tal-interdettijiet, lil Alla fi ħwejjeġ Ċesri. Din saret ġlieda storika daqs il-kwistjoni politiko-reliġjuża tas-Sittinijiet, u għal daż-żmien essenzjalment ġlieda mhux partitika imma bejn il-konservattiżmu fanatiku u progressiżmu li jrid joqgħod attent milli jittappan u jitlef triqtu.

Ġieni wkoll f’moħħi li wara kollox, u wara kemm wieħed jipprova jistħarreġ u jirraġuna, forsi l-IVA kellhom raġun jagħtu xokk bħal dan. Għax l-ipokrezija li rajna mill-kamp tal-LE wieħed jista’ jaraha wkoll fit-tessut tas-soċjetà Maltija, għaliex anki jekk tgħallimna nkunu nies, mhux bilfors li aħna. Ma nafx jekk hux każ ta’ ħmar il-magħkus li jdur għalih id-dubbien, iżda bħal xi ħadd li għadda minn żwieġ li falla, kien hemm waqtiet fejn qlajt kummenti bla ħniena, għax hemm il-fatt li mhux biss hemm min ma jridx id-divorzju, imma hemm min jitkaża wkoll b’min tkissirlu ż-żwieġ. Ma tirbaħ qatt. Snin wara u ħajja ġdida, kien hemm ukoll min sejjaħli poġġut. Wieħed biex jitkessaħ, u qala’ xebgħa lsien bi kliem wisq eħrex minn tal-kartellun. Ieħor ħafna akbar minni, imrawwem professjonalment fil-PN (seta’ kien partit ieħor: dan biss bħal sfond), Kattoliku devot, omofobu u konservattiv tradizzjonalist. Għal darb’ oħra, deskrizzjoni ta’ sfond għax kulħadd ifassal lilu nnifsu kif irid. Madankollu, bejn b’nofs ċajta jew forsi għax beżaqhielu l-inkonxju, qalli poġġut, għax waqt li qed niċċajtaw dwar it-tfajliet sbieħ u ħelwin, għidltu li issa ma tantx nista’ nħares għax m’għadnix single. U billi għadni fil-limbu tar-relazzjonijiet skont kif jarahom hu, waħħalli t-tikketta.

X’tagħmel? Tieħu għalik? Le. Anki jien, ta’ sensittiv u bużżieqa li jien, ma tantx tatni ġewwa. Anzi, rikbitni mewġa ta’ maħfra Nisranija għax ma kienx jaf x’inhu jagħmel, u anki ta’ ħasra għal moħħ li baqa’ ċkejken. U kull m’għidtlu ‘iva, u wliedi bgħula. Rajtha qalbek’, u ħallejtu jiħmar u jistħi u jigdem ilsien li kien ħallih jaħrablu.

Mela fors l-IVA kellhom raġun, sew għax nies li ġarrbu u sew għax nies li jifhmu s-sitwazzjoni. Forsi huma wkoll, bħali, raw tassew qalb in-nies li qed jikkumbattu kontrihom. U għalhekk raw li għal kull min jippuntalek sejf, sejf daqstant jaqta’ jrid ikun biex joqtlu.

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Zolabytes is a rubrique on J’accuse – the name is a nod to the original J’accuser (Emile Zola) and a building block of the digital age (byte). Zolabytes is intended to be a collection of guest contributions in the spirit of discussion that has been promoted by J’accuse on the online Maltese political scene for 5 years.
Opinions expressed in zolabyte contributions are those of the author in question. Opinions appearing on zolabytes do not necessarily reflect the editorial line of J’accuse the blog.
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This is my Church

This is where I heal my hurts. Today is referendum day. Not in Malta of course – that one is still a couple of weeks away – but in Britain. The UK votes in its first referendum in 36 years and chooses whether or not to change its voting system. The No vote seems to be miles ahead in the polls but what seems to matter most is not the result itself but the aftermath of the referendum campaign as the forces of different parties return to home base.

The UK coalition government is facing a bleak future following the “mud slinging and bad blood” of the campaign. As LibDems and Tories return to the governmental fold they will be sharing the space with people who were on opposite sides of the referendum battlefield and this does not bode well.

We are so caught up in the run-up to the referendum in Malta that we have not even considered this eventuality that seems to be inevitable. After all once push comes to shove and once referendum and parliamentary vote are over, the likes of Evarist Bartolo, Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando et al will return to their parliamentary grouping and sit next to other MPs who were on the other side of the divorce divide. Will this have an effect on the running of the parties? Will the wounds in what has already been described as a “dirty campaign” run deep enough to create (more) fissures in the PLPN set up?

Another participant in the divorce battleground that will be nursing unexpected wounds is the local version of the Catholic Church. It has long dumped any semblance of the non-crusade stance and is now facing a few unpleasant realities that had long lain under the carpet of history. These are but a few glaring examples:

  • the Church-State agreement is under review: Thanks to the whole situation in the Rota vs Civil Courts issue, the anomalous status quo with regard to the workings of our laws has been brought to the fore of public debate. The Church can no longer hide the fact that its courts are also liable to the scrutiny of the rule of law so long as their decisions are intricately bound with the rule of the land. The first arrow in the heart of the church state agreement remains the right to a lawyer of choice and to a fair trial. Expect a test case moving on to the Constitutional Courts any time now. Does the local Catholic Church really want to have Rota decisions reviewed by Ceasar’s court? Is it aware of the possibility?
  • the local Church is an anomaly: the workings of the local Church, (comforted by the entrenchment of the Church-State agreement) have been exposed as being different from the workings of the church worldwide. In a bout of investigative journalism prompted by a priest’s comments MaltaToday exposed the fact that elsewhere in this world it is the Church that waits for (or expects) a civil divorce decree before proceeding with annulment. Again this kind of information begins to highlight how the Church-State agreement is turning out to be a very bad idea indeed. Time for some brainstorming on the church front – for the church’s sake.
  • the weakness of spirit: It is ironic that, of all churches, the one of the island of St Paul is failing its members drastically. All the actions of the church in this divorce campaign have uncovered an uncomfortable truth about its faithful: they are weak and need protection. For were our local version of the church confident in the lessons it has partaken with its flock then it would not fear the availability of the civil right to divorce. The church’s teachings are being misdirected and abused. The fact that God does not want divorce (whatever divorce that may have meant 13 centuries before Christ) has little to do with the availability of divorce in society but much to do with the strength of christian character in believing that assertion and following the scripture. I am sure John Zammit, the infamous John Zammit, would not divorce even if it were possible… but would all those who are being exhorted to vote No and deprive their neighbours in society of a civil right be of such a strong character? The Church of Malta and its messengers does not seem to think so. A massive Christian Fail.

So whatever the result of this referendum a number of “churches” are bound to end up  wounded and maimed. The political party “churches” have been exposed as vehicles of opportunistic rhetoric unable to promote their respective values due to their fear of compromising their voting base. The spiritual church has given clear signs of its failure to teach and pass on its interpretation of the Holy Texts. It has misinterpreted its duty to guide the flock and instead is shielding it completely from the greatest gift that God hath given man short of His own Son… free will.

No matter what the referendum result we already have one new truth to face about our society. Our Churches are a-crumbling.

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Attagirl

Deborah Schembri’s on warpath and she’s got the bull by the horns. No matter what Raphael (Vassallo) might say the issue was clear from the start – the Church cannot have the cake and eat it when it comes to the choice of lawyer in annulment proceedings. Either the Church-State agreement is scratched (and annulments do not have any civil link) or the Church drops all conditions for lawyers appearing before its courts.

See? It’s not that J’accuse thinks that everyone else should have the same priorities as us. It’s all a matter of focus.

Simples.

P.S. The Malta Chronicle is back up and running for a 21 day open forum on divorce starting on the 7th May. Also look out for the Divorce Debate Network of Blogs – linking blogs on the Maltese Blogosphere that have opened their pages to the debate in the run up to the referendum – the blogroll is also available on The Malta Chronicle.

P.P.S. – Just seen this on the Times’ Quote of the Week:

“The Church has pinched where it hurts.”

Pro-divorce campaigner Deborah Schembriwho is without a salary after the Ecclesiastical Tribunal stopped her from practising in the Church’s tribunals

Really? Are there really lawyers who ONLY practice in the Ecclesiastical Tribunal? Drama queens and drama spins.

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The Political Class

One of my current “thinking post” books (i.e. books read while spending time in the restroom) is “The Triumph of the Political Class” by Peter Oborne. The book is a damning exposure of the mechanics of the political system in 21st century Britain. As I read through Oborne’s thesis I cannot help replacing the term “Political Class” with PLPN and apply the reasoning to analogous circumstances in Malta – and I am surprised with the results. It’s a perfect fit.

Oborne uses the term “Political Class” constantly with capitalised P and C with reference to the new class of cross-party political careerists and examines their impact on the magical democracy that is Britain.

Here is an excerpt from the chapter entitled “The Ideology of the Political Class”:

For most of the twentieth century governing elites brought with them to Westminster a set of principles, tightly aligned to general party political thought and beliefs, which they sought to apply in government. When they felt the temptation to strike cross-party deals or renege on commitments, they were liable to be met with accusations of betrayal by the party membership. Today, political ideas no longer emerge from within the party structures and belief systems. They are manufactured. Rather than referring inward to the party membership, politicians look outward to the general public. Instead of engaging with voters directly, however, marketing experts and political ‘consultants’ are employed to discern popular will. Policies are constructed and later marketed in exactly the same way as consumer products and very often by the same set of experts. The evolution of ideas becomes an essentially private form of activity, associated with a specialist elite whose primary purpose is not putting into practice any system of ideologies or beliefs but rather the shaping of policy for the mass market.

Ideas in the era of the Political class are therefore converted into weapons or tools to be deployed or used for tactical convenience. The key function is the denial of territory to opponents, the strategy of ‘triangulation’ first associated with the Democrat presidency of Bill Clinton and identified in particular with his consultant Dick Morris. This technique was first used, and with especially gratifying effect, in the presidential election of 1992, and involved a series of forays into Republican issues, above all law and order.

The over-riding purpose was the conquest of the central ground of politics, forcing political opponents to take up territory which could then be labelled extremist. The overwhelming aim of this form of tactical positioning was emphatically not to win the the battle of ideas. Rather it lay in the ability to lay claim to a positional victory at the end of the day.

Oborne leads on to an analysis of the cult of “modernisation” – devised by the Political Class as “a strategic device to distance the Political Class from what it saw as out-of-date or antiquated ideologies. It was meant to appear sensible, managerial, pragmatic, in touch. But in due course it became a powerful ideology on its own. It presented the British ruling elite with a conceptual structure which was based on a dislike of the past, a contempt for traditional institutions, a unique insight into the future, and a guide to ethics”.

Oborne’s thesis has not ceased to surprise me. Above all it is evident that the path trodden by our Political Class (the class of PLPN) is the very same that has been trodden twenty years back in the US/UK. It is all there… like some latter-day Nostradamus prediction. You will find all you need to know (and foresee) about the predictable activities of our Political Class – and sadly, you will become aware that the writing is on the wall as to our future development in line with very European trends of neutering of political values, aims and ideologies: in the name of a Polticial Elite.

Foyles Synopsis:
Both an extension of and a companion to his acclaimed expose of political mendacity, THE RISE OF POLITICAL LYING, Peter Oborne’s new book reveals in devastating fashion just how far we have left behind us the idea of people going into politics for that quaint reason, to serve the public. Notions of the greater good and “putting something back” now seem absurdly idealistic, such is the pervasiveness of cynicism in our politics and politicians. Of course, self-interest has always played a part, and Oborne will show how our current climate owes much to the venality of the eighteenth century. But in these allegedly enlightened times should we not know better? Do we not deserve better from those who seek our electoral approval? Full of revealing and insightful stories and anecdotes to support his case, and with a passionate call for reform, THE TRIUMPH OF THE POLITICAL CLASS is destined to be the defining political book of 2007.

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