Author: Jacques René Zammit

Categories
Politics

Fighting the law and winning? – ACTA

Labour MEP Edward Scicluna was reported to have made the following statement when addressing students at a university debate yesterday. Here, with all the caveats related to “il detto del detto” is how the Times reported him:

Edward Scicluna appealed to students not to try and understand the details of Acta but rather to see who the players behind it are.

That to me was a telling statement and I will be telling you why in a bit. J’accuse has held back from taking a position on ACTA for the simple, yet important, reason that we hate to comment on issues when we are not well informed about them. ACTA is not the only legal conundrum that is currently hitting the headlines in Malta. The Franco Debono saga for example, has provoked a number of cliché calls for “improving the law” in areas as varied as party financing and libel law. Meanwhile thanks to a combination of random acts of incivility, colourful press reporting and the political party bandwagon movement, “hate crimes” are the new in-thing when calling for legal reform. Finally the reaction to the acquittal of Mark Camilleri and Alex Vella Gera in the Li Tkisser Sewwi saga continued to confound public perception of the law and how it works.

It’s Constitutional Law 101 and Political Philosophy 101 that we are talking about here. It’s the basics of a working society with all its imperfections that keep the complex mechanics ticking. Once the curtain is lifted off the latest fad and once the clichés are removed* we might end up showing that when waging a war on the law (or as the Clash would have it – Fighting the law)  victory can be achieved only if we understand what we are up against. If there is anything to be up against. Otherwise we end up shooting ourselves in the foot.

(P)ACTA sunt servanda?

So. Let’s start with ACTA in this first of a number of posts that will  look at public perception of rules and law. Why is Edward Scicluna’s statement telling? Because it is redolent of a large part of the activist reaction on the net to ACTA. I was pleased to have Andrei Tuch as a guest poster on the matter and his line of reasoning confirmed a hunch of mine. Basically opposition to ACTA is not so much an opposition to its content or what it will do but is based on the wider, worldwide philosophy of Anti-Big Brotherism. Andrei tells us that ACTA is not evil, but we should oppose it just the same. Some go even further: don’t bother finding out what ACTA is about says Edward Scicluna, just see who is proposing it, who is behind it. Seriously?

Even the MEP rapporteur who walked out of parliament in Strasbourg had nothing more to say against the content other than the fact that the procedure leading to ACTA’s creation was veiled in secrecy without public consultation. The lack of serious objections to content except for the circulation of “fear-inducing” myths about individuals being strip searched at borders for illegal software content is worrying. ACTA of course was unfortunate enough to follow the infamous SOPA and PIPA and therefore had to face the same tsunami of generalised freedom-fighting. Whether or not you agree that rights holders are pursuing “outdated business models” and whether or not you believe that they should be embracing the economic positives of sharing files is irrelevant. If you are going to oppose a law or an agreement, the least you could do is read it and challenge it on the basis of content. Not on who wrote it.

As I said earlier, don’t get me started on the bandwagon riding by the local parties. Labour is extremely disappointing in this regard because it pounced on what it perceives to be public sentiment against ACTA – that same public sentiment that was riding the wave of misinformation. The biggest disappointment is that when it comes to representation you’d expect representatives to have an informed and reasoned opinion. When they come up with “ignore the details, we just don’t like the people”, then their populism is hanging out for those who want to see it.

ACTA is doomed because it was ill-timed and ill-marketed (ironically). In many ways its story runs parallel to improving the salaries of parliamentarians – or as we know it the increase in honoraria. You (probably) could have many positive arguments in favour of such an increase if you sat down and examined the work of each deserving member and more. You probably could debate this logically at the right time and end up with some kind of agreement. Instead what we had was a stealthy introduction of honoraria by government and worse still this was made in the middle of an economic crisis. Talk about bad timing.

It becomes irrelevant whether you have any arguments in favour of the ACTA right protection or honoraria. The irrelevance is caused by the stealthy (publicly perceived as guilty) approach and the bad timing (post-SOPA or mid-economic crisis). What these two processes teach us is that public opinion is fragile and will more often than not not bother with the nitty gritty and the fine print. Throw in press reporting, mass media scrutiny and political opportunism into the fray and public opinion turns into that bull in a china shop that has just seen red.

Next: Censors, the law and satire.

 

 

* Here’s a handful of clichés for you: all lawyers are bastards, stop talking legalese, the court is only a waste of time, courts are all corrupt, law is only a way to enslave citizens.

Categories
Mediawatch Politics

Franco Bonaparte?

Last time that I hinted at a link between Franco Debono and a historical figure I was told off in private by one of the blog’s more finicky readers. Well, mea culpa if Franco does not quite fit the “Generalissimo” label but the Rebel MP has now taken to quoting another general for his purposes. The Times asked for Debono’s comments in the light of this mornings Leadership Debate being hosted by that same paper and Franco was happy to oblige. The crucial statement is as apocryphal as modern day PLPN politicians can get – leaving as much leeway for interpretation as Saint John’s Apocalyptic scriptures:

The crisis will only be over when the oligarchy is dismantled, the elitist rule of ‘planet clique’ comes down to earth and democracy is strengthened. Even certain quarters of the business community have been complaining for some time about this clique mentality.

Whatever happened to the four riders of the apocalypse and how exactly will “planet clique” come down to earth? Is this a new religion? More specifically has Franco been reduced to speaking in riddles in order to be able to keep us hanging on to his every word? Joseph’s Labour still pin their hopes on stability but in truth they don’t care whether Franco goes this way or that. Joseph’s reading is clear: there is stability whatever the PM says (or does). Muscat has bought himself a joker by claiming that if Franco turns back to the fold of government (what Labour are calling a U-turn even though he never actually voted against government) he will have been “bought” so his opinion does not count.

The nationalist party is in denial too. It doesn’t care whichever way about this minor hiccup in Malta’s political history. It is buying its time till the leadership “election” to fill the vacancy that does not exist. That way we get to ignore Franco at least till the resounding “Gonzi, Gonzi, Gonzi” echoes in the halls of Dar Centrali once the result is out. Then Franco will be given the choice to either follow or get the fuck out. Simples. Next we will have the Local Council elections dragging on to Sliema’s 10th March date which will give us the opportunity to mentally masturbate about figures that have absolutely no bearing on a future national election result. As a a people we are amused and easily distracted by these controversies.

Back to Franco. He makes an interesting assertion in his Times interview.

Dr Debono, a prominent criminal lawyer who has been campaigning for Constitutional reforms, said that after the French revolution one of Napoleon’s greatest conquests was not military in nature. It was the establishment of meritocracy where careers were open to talent. It was the call to dismantle privileges enjoyed by the nobility and the oligarchy. Meritocracy was even more important in a small country like Malta, he said. These are the foundation of our European culture and identity.

I wish the Times would cut the crap of the “prominent criminal lawyer” bit. Franco has been practising criminal law as long as I have been practising European Law – and I’ve spent seven of those years at the European Court of Justice. Should that make me a prominent European lawyer? The only prominence Franco gets – irrespective of his qualities as a lawyer – is the limelight currently afforded to him by circumstance, failing that he’s about as prominent a criminal lawyer as any other recent graduate from the law course (yes… barely 12 years is recent).

Emperor Napoleon the Meritocratic

As for the reference to Napoleon’s meritocratic destruction of the nobility… really Franco? Your knowledge of history borders on the criminal. It took Napoleon Bonaparte a few years to decide that the Republic was not such a good idea after all and to Crown himself Emperor  (in May 1804 before a hapless Pope Pius VII). Oh he did get the senate to vote a law to that effect… it stated in a very PLPN style:

“The government of the Republic is vested in an Emperor, who takes the title of Emperor of the French.”

There you go. Napoleon then proceed to meritocratically install his family all across Europe in the main royal households. Here’s a wikipedia refresher point about the House of Napoleon:

Throughout its history, the dynasty, as well as being Emperors of the French, held various other titles and territories including; their ancestral nation theKingdom of Italy, Kingdom of Spain, Kingdom of Westphalia, Kingdom of Holland and the Kingdom of Naples. The dynasty was in a position of power for around a decade until the Napoleonic Wars began to take their toll. Making very powerful enemies such as Austria, United Kingdom, Russia andPrussia, as well as royalist (particularly Bourbon) restorational movements in France, Spain, the Two Sicilies and Sardinia, the dynasty eventually collapsed under its own weight.

Not looking so anti-clique now are they Franco? What can we say…

THE CLIQUE SHOULD DIE, LONG LIVE THE CLIQUE

 

Categories
Mediawatch

The Queen of Pop and the National Subconscious

This weekend a whole nation sat glued to the TV screen watching what is arguably one of the largest crowd pullers on prime time TV. This nation loves to think it is at the centre of the known universe and was clearly aware that other nations were peeping in to steal the show. Superbowl XLVI in Indianapolis did not fail to disappoint and the New York Giants took home their fourth trophy – the Americans still kid themselves is a “world” trophy notwithstanding the fact that bar Canada no other country really bothers with the sport.

Having said that, the audience enrapturing effect of the Superbowl is such that the few hours it is on TV are also the hours that attract millions of dollars of advertisement with companies splashing out for a few seconds of “world” viewership. It has long become a ritual to compare the best ads specifically made for the Superbowl breaks and this year’s ads featured such greats as Clint Eastwood. The item that we found was worth most attention though was the half-time show – this year it was up to the Queen of Pop to entertain the general public and oh did she do so.

There she was pulled onto stage by hundreds of muscled men in full Egyptian attire and Madonna sat in the middle of it : a Liz Taylor for the fledgling teenies. Crisis? What Crisis? The Superbowl ad breaks and half time are a celebration of capitalism and its successes. Advertising mingles with pop entertainment and celebrates all its successes. Here was the survivor of Pop’s Royal Couple (thirteen days older than King Michael but boy was she alive and kicking) threatening to unleash musical extravagance as the audience reached for their Bud Lights. The spectacle was grand as it always is and bar the quasi-fall off one bit of the scenery there were no errors or wardrobe malfunctions (Janet style).

What about the music though? Well we might have had LMFAO backing Miss Ciccone for a little while but the repertoire of songs chosen by Madonna Louise (or for her to sing) was a flashback to greater days of economic growth and prosperity. Vogue with all its strutting and parading of fit bodies and flashy names coupled with Like a Prayer when love and hope almost guaranteed that we all had a right to bit of Hollywood. Let’s face it. This was not Lana del Rey’s  depressive Born to Die or Lady Gaga’s celebration of decadence and Judases. Whether consciously or subconsciously a choice to reminisce of brighter days had been made.

Those days are long buried under the reality shattering explosions of the twin towers of 9/11, under the financial disasters from Enron to Madoff and back. We might have wasted a whole decade reeling from the effects of such heavy strikes at the capitalist world. We’d love to relive the dream that began in the 80’s and ran riot in the 90’s though. For now all we have to link to that dream is the voice of the Queen of Pop. And that too… was the Superbowl.

Just like a dream, you are not what you seem
Just like a prayer, no choice,
Your voice can take me there.

Categories
Internet Rights

Perspectives on ACTA – Andrei Tuch (Part II)

Andrei continues his reasoned analysis of ACTA, concluding that though it is not evil it must be rejected anyway.

ACTA is not evil : It must be rejected anyway – Part II

In Part I, I described why ACTA is not the intrinsically evil entity that people think it is. In fact, it is a relatively boring and toothless trade agreement that does not place any additional burdens on countries beyond what most signatories already have in their own national legislations.

So, am I going to go and withdraw my signature from the petition to stop ACTA, and tell my MEPs that they are free to vote for it if they can trade that favor for, let’s say, better agricultural subsidy terms for Estonian farmers?
I won’t. While ACTA’s text is nowhere near scary enough to warrant the level of public opposition it has received, the existence of that opposition is in itself a reason to reject the treaty.

As I have said before, if the majority of a democratic society expresses its desire sufficiently unambiguously, then that desire must be implemented, even if it is counter to the prevailing ideology. Governments and legislation exist only because it is not feasible to seek a referendum on each policy decision. At this stage, it would actually be technologically possible, but the general population does not have the time to thoughtfully consider the implications of a matter and arrive at an informed opinion. This is replaced by politicians running on broad platforms, and the people choose the broad direction they feel most comfortable with, then delegate their decision power. But the decision power stems from the people, and if the people actually care about an issue strongly enough, then that overrides the opinions of politicians, and the existing laws of the land.

ACTA is a touchstone issue. The anti-ACTA protests are not the result of the text of ACTA itself, or its implications; they are the result of an attempt to impose outdated behavioral models on an evolved technological world. And while a small layer of specialists may be genuinely worried about things like region-free DVDs or burdens on service providers, the majority of the human force of protesters is worried about something else. Everyone who saw the Wikipedia blackout and called their senator – for them, SOPA/PIPA/ACTA was only the last straw. Their patience was worn down, and their anger slowly built up, by the fight between rights holders and filesharers.

The Internet allows digital content – music, video, text, software – to be copied near-infinitely, at very little incremental cost. This creates a conflict. Consumers would like all content to be available for free. Rights holders would like to receive full retail payment for each created copy. Over the last decade or so, a dynamic balance has been reached. Businesses generally do not use pirated software, and this is heavily enforced. Consumers will prefer to use legitimate software and acquire legitimate content, where it has been made convenient for them, and where the price reflects the fact that the incremental cost of creating and delivering a copy has fallen dramatically since the days of cassette tapes. They do this partially on moral grounds, and partially because they recognize the importance of supporting the content creator. But consumers remain very aware of two things.

  1. The content creator and the rights holder are often different entities. Consumers part with their money far more easily when it goes directly to the content creator (who then covers the expenses of production and delivery out of their revenue, and keeps the profit) than when it goes to a rights holder, who distributes that revenue in opaque ways. Even if the content creator makes a lot of money, people still resent the middleman. There is no sympathy for rights holders.
  2. People are aware that the filesharing alternative exists. Where cumbersome artificial copy-protection measures makelife difficult for legitimate customers, and prices are perceived as being too high, they will turn to torrenting.

The origin of SOPA/PIPA, and the perceived threat of ACTA, is that the rights holders are attempting to legislate away the advances of digital technology, and the de-facto capabilities of consumers. This is why the public opposes ACTA. And the public’s voice must be heard. In a democratic state, if the will of the people is as clear as it has been made with ACTA, governments must submit to it, even if it is contrary to the interests of the rights holders.

If the public feels that intellectual property should not be protected or enforced in the way envisioned by ACTA, that’s just too bad for the rights holders. The public must then deal with the possibility that content will no longer be created if rights cannot be enforced. Implications must not be hidden from the people, and their impact must not be softened. But the will of the people must be paramount.

Digital rights enforcement is broken, and is actively counter to both the will of the people and the technological reality. That is what the web demos are protesting, really. Yes, ACTA was the catalyst because its communication was grossly mishandled, but it does come down to the issue that modern technology allows for free content distribution, and the rights holders have mostly chosen to ignore the change in technology and attempt to enforce outdated business models through legislative means.

It’s the same as the War on Drugs in that sense; if everyone is smoking weed, it’s stupid to put people in jail for carrying a joint. If everyone is downloading, it’s stupid to put people in jail for downloading.

One of the most preposterous things is that the issue has been successfully resolved for a different medium (analog-media copying) and works today. There was a hidden tax on every blank cassette tape and VHS tape sold, and that money was divided amongst rights holders. Even before that, there was the radio fee distribution scheme – radio stations pay to broadcast music, as do public venues that play music through their in-house audio systems. The equivalent solution – long since proposed and already adopted by some EEC members and other countries – is to place a flat levy on Web access, as payment for the implied piracy. This produces far less revenue for rights holders than they would like, but it resolves the moral issue while protecting the rights of consumers.

There are compromises to be made in the fight against piracy. As for ACTA, it is an issue of democracy. Because the people have chosen to reject it, and made their opinions heard, the politicians must reject it as well.

My signature is still on the petition.

Categories
Internet Rights

Perspectives on ACTA – Andrei Tuch

The J’accuse impromptu ACTA series continues. I knew that when I asked (provoked?) fellow blogger Andrei for his ideas on ACTA that I would not be short-changed. Based in Estonia Andrei describes himself as a “technical writer, freelance translator, standup comedian, occasional journalist, all too rarely blogger, wannabe exegete”. Here is the first part of his take on all things ACTA. The title of his post (ACTA is not Evil: It should be rejected anyway) is pretty much a very concise summary of the hunch I have been gathering over the past few days. In my case it’s an uninformed hunch. Andrei grounds his argument with reason backed up by research. Feel free to debate. Civilly. Thank you again Mr Tuch.

ACTA is not Evil: It should be rejected anyway (Andrei Tuch)

There has been plenty of noise on the Internet about ACTA, the treaty that includes provisions on regulating copyright infringement on the Internet. There is a lot of criticism, but most of it is emotional and confusing. A fellow Euroblogger, looking for clarification on the meaning of ACTA, contacted me and asked if I had actually read the full text.

I hadn’t. So I did.

A few disclaimers to begin: I Am Not A Lawyer. I am, however, interested in European affairs and technology politics; I have been asked to comment on politics before, by press and official organizations; and by occupation I am a technical writer and translator. Some people pay me to read complicated legal texts, understand what they mean, and recreate that meaning very accurately in a different language. Other people pay me to take complicated ideas and concepts, and explain them in simple, understandable ways. They keep paying me, so I guess I’m good at it. (If any lawyers are reading this and have substantial objections to my analysis, I’d love to talk to you in the comments!)

The text of ACTA that I am using is this one: http://www.dfat.gov.au/trade/acta/Final-ACTA-text-following-legal-verification.pdf. There are many versions and drafts of ACTA around. That one appears to be the final one that’s being signed. I will quote relevant bits of text, but in any case I encourage you to go and read the source. By the standards of international treaties, ACTA is very understandable and unambiguous.

Most of ACTA’s text is actually about counterfeit trademark goods – things like knock-off designer handbags and fake name-brand sneakers. I will disregard all of that, and just focus on things that have to do with the Internet. (None of the stuff about knock-off handbags and sneakers is objectionable, it’s all about seizing shipments and border controls.)

Got that? OK.

First, the good news:

ACTA does not supersede national legislation. It is an international treaty under the umbrella of the World Trade Organization. It is not a law of the land in the same way that SOPA/PIPA was in America. It has very specific language to this effect, in Article 3:

“This Agreement shall be without prejudice to provisions in a Party’s law governing the availability, acquisition, scope, and maintenance of intellectual property rights. […] This Agreement does not create any obligation on a Party to apply measures where a right in intellectual property is not protected under its laws and regulations. […] In implementing the provisions of this Chapter, each Party shall take into account the need for proportionality between the seriousness of the infringement, the interests of third parties, and the applicable measures, remedies and penalties.”

In the text of ACTA, some paragraphs say “shall” and some say “may”. For the latter, the country gets to decide if those will be implemented in its own legislation. Each country is explicitly permitted to have exceptions in its own legislation, choosing not to make certain activities illegal. This is part of the opening paragraphs, the context for everything that follows. Also pay attention to the principle of proportionality. In America, where massive civil lawsuits result in disproportionate financial settlements, the principle of proportionality does not seem to be widely upheld. In Europe – and particularly in Estonia, where many have complained about overly lenient prison sentences for crimes such as rape and murder – a specific reference to proportionality is very soothing to individual Internet users.

ACTA does not turn individual pirates into criminals. Even if it is accepted as written and the country does not claim an exception under its own laws. There are two relevant sections here: Chapter II, Section 2 “Civil Enforcement” and Section 4 “Criminal Enforcement”. Under the latter, Article 23 says:

“Each Party shall provide for criminal procedures and penalties to be applied at least in cases of wilful trademark counterfeiting or copyright or related rights piracy on a commercial scale. For the purposes of this Section, acts carried out on a commercial scale include at least those carried out as commercial activities for direct or indirect economic or commercial advantage.”

ACTA requires each country to criminalize companies such as Megaupload (which was making a profit directly out of copyright infringement) and the sort of counterfeit software shops that Estonia used to have in the late 90s-early 2000s, where people were actually selling CDs and DVDs of software – making money out of it. As written, ACTA’s criminal enforcement articles would not even apply to The Pirate Bay, which does not make money from copyright infringement (it takes donations and sells merchandise with its own logo, demonstrably only making enough money to cover its operational expenses – a non-profit organization, not operating on a commercial scale). These provisions certainly do not apply to individual downloaders, for whom no money ever changes hands while they torrent.

ACTA does not place unreasonable burdens on service providers. The American version, SOPA/PIPA, scared the likes of Google and Wikipedia because it would have made it possible for rights holders to force-close websites for something as small as a visitor posting a link to unlicensed media in a comment box, and because it would have forced ISPs – the companies that provide Internet connections to homes and offices – to actively hide websites, effectively censoring content. All of this would be done without any involvement by courts, and without any ability to challenge the rights holders’ claims. But in ACTA, there is specific language to prevent this. In Article 6:

“These procedures shall be applied in such a manner as to avoid the creation of barriers to legitimate trade and to provide for safeguards against their abuse.”

And in Article 27:

“These procedures shall be implemented in a manner that avoids the creation of barriers to legitimate activity, including electronic commerce, and, consistent with that Party’s law, preserves fundamental principles such as freedom of expression, fair process, and privacy.”

Again, ACTA leaves a lot of room for countries to individually decide what constitutes a barrier, an abuse and a fair process.

ACTA does not introduce limits that are not already in Estonian legislation, nor in any Western country’s legislation, I suspect. The Estonian government already released a statement saying nothing in Estonian law or practice would have to change because of ACTA. The test case for this is Estonia’s filesharing loophole: it is technically illegal (though rarely prosecuted) to upload unlicensed content, but if you’re only downloading a copy and not allowing anyone else to copy it off you, then you’re fine. From ACTA’s most draconian part, Article 27 paragraph 7b:

“to distribute, import for distribution, broadcast, communicate, or make available to the public copies of works, performances, or phonograms, knowing that electronic rights management information has been removed or altered without authority.”

You will note that it says distribute, but not acquire. The loophole stands.

Now for the bad news. There are two parts of ACTA that can justifiably make the Internet public nervous.

The first is Article 27, which requires countries to have legislation against copyright offenses on the Internet. However, this is about circumvention – actively removing copy-protection from works, and does not cover using works with it already removed for personal purposes. (You can’t crack a game, but you can download and play a cracked one, if you set your torrent client’s upload speed limit to zero.) It is also about making circumvention measures available – but not using them. (Building a keygen or a cracked EXE file for a game is illegal; downloading that EXE and using it on your own computer is not.) This is where you have to do some soul-searching. Will the Internet really be destroyed if the people who create copy-protection workarounds are declared criminals? Remember that a) they already have been under most national legislations and ACTA does not introduce any new measures to find them, b) they are few and far between, and c) as a group they have stayed anonymous very effectively until now, and will probably stay anonymous if ACTA passes.

Article 27 also makes distributing that content illegal. You are liable for uploading content, including participating in BitTorrent file-sharing the way it is meant to work – not just receiving data, but sending it to others as well. But remember that this is merely illegal, not criminal; and that ACTA leaves room for countries to decide just how much they care about stopping you from doing it.

The other disturbing part of ACTA is in Chapter II, Section 2 “Civil Enforcement”, Article 9. Without quoting the full text (go and read it!), this introduces the rights holders’ favorite idea: that civil damages from copyright infringement should be measured in the retail cost of a single copy of the content, multiplied by the number of copies made. Or, for a single filesharer, the sum of the retail prices of all songs, movies, games etc. found on their computers. This obviously is to the benefit of the rights holders, letting them demand more money. It is also completely, self-evidently idiotic to anyone who has studied even the simplest, most basic level of economics, the elasticity of demand. Actually, it’s intuitively idiotic to anyone who has ever made a purchasing decision when they wanted two things and only had enough money for one.

When a type of product is available for free, and is easy to get, then people will get any item that seems even the least bit interesting. Digital content that you will end up not liking doesn’t even take up room in your closet, so there isn’t even an opportunity cost to stop you from getting it. And since downloading a file doesn’t mean someone else is deprived of the ability to use that file – perfect copies are created without damaging the original – there is no low-level moral argument against downloading, like there is against stealing an apple from a tree in your neighbor’s garden. But if you have to give up some of your money in exchange for digital content, then you will simply get a lot less of that content, because your money is limited, and there are a lot of things which you would like to have more than music or movies that aren’t very interesting to you.

The revenue that rights holders lose to digital piracy is not equivalent to the sum retail price of all existing pirated copies. They would never have sold that many copies. To claim otherwise is disingenuous on the part of the rights holders, and this is the main reason why normal people – not zealots who believe all information must necessarily be free – have no sympathy for the rights holders.

And normal people are the ones who matter. That is why ACTA – which is not evil, nowhere near as destructive as SOPA/PIPA, and in fact a boring trade agreement that does not change anything significant in any participating country’s legislation – must be rejected.

But this article is long enough already, so you’ll have to wait for Part II to read what I mean by that. (Sorry, Jacques, I know it was the second part you really wanted me to write today, but I got carried away!)

But this article is long enough already, so you’ll have to wait for Part II to read what I mean by that. (Sorry, Jacques, I know it was the second part you really wanted me to write today, but I got carried away!).
This post first appeared on Andrei’s blog: blog.antyx.net
Categories
Internet Rights

Perspectives on ACTA – Martin Bugelli

Mr. Martin Bugelli, Head of the European Commission Representation in Malta has kindly given his permission to reproduce this article that appears in today’s Times of Malta. Over the last few days I have been asked for my two cents on ACTA – I have politely refused to comment on the subject (thank you One News and MaltaToday for your interest) for the simple reason that I hate commenting on something that I do not know about. I have finally found time to start reading the text of ACTA – away from the pro- and anti- propaganda currently infesting the net. A little aside: do ignore our friendly PLPN’s posturing on the subject – the less said about them the better.

Back to ACTA. This subject merits our attention for many more reasons than simply “they want to destroy the internet”. The issue is one affecting international law and the very web that holds the global village together. It is about individual rights, corporate interests and who will best represent them. It is about the future of how the rules that bind us will effect us. On the other hand it is nothing new. International agreements have been signed for long before many of us were born. This time though we are armed with that all powerful weapon: information … and it is important to get it right. The interaction between civil society and its representatives is also evolving – we have a duty to work it out civilly and ensure that our prerogatives and freedoms are not abused of. So let’s start with Mr Bugelli’s article. Read it carefully and bear in mind that it is perforce a Commission perspective.

Needless to say that the opinions in the articles are Mr Bugelli’s and do not necessarily reflect J’accuse’s line. Later tonight I have been promised what I am sure will be an interesting perspective from a friend blogger in Estonia. Look out for that too (and if you have not subscribed for J’accuse updates in the mail remember that it is never too late). In the following text I have highlighted sections that I believe are crucial for further discussion.

(F)ACTA – the genuine article (Martin Bugelli)

Each year, we Europeans lose more than €8 billion through counterfeit goods sneaking into our markets, a figure which is steadfastly growing. Intellectual property is Europe’s raw material, the theft of which destroys jobs, harms competitiveness and stifles creativity and innovation.

On the other hand, European consumers should be protected from the potentially harmful effects of poor imitations and fake goods produced on a large scale by unscrupulous pirates of the high seas of trade. Unlike bona fide goods, the stuff supplied by these nefarious operations does not carry with it the responsibilities towards consumers, including the adherence to regulatory standards.

European adherence to the international Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (Acta) appears to be causing concern, particularly among internet users, possibly due to the lack of knowledge about what it really entails. This is mainly being fuelled by the confusion of Acta with the US’s now shelved Stop Online Piracy Act (Sopa), against which Wikipedia and Google protested by blacking out their websites for a day last week.

Acta is not Sopa. Acta does not foresee any rules to cut access for citizens to the internet. Acta is not about checking or monitoring your iPod, laptop, e-mails or phone.

It will not censor websites and is not about your shared files on Facebook. Indeed, Acta introduces no new EU legislation, and is definitely not a threat to internet freedom. The allegation that the implementation of Acta shall lead to a limitation of fundamental rights or civil liberties simply has no ground.

Acta is an international agreement (also entered into by Australia, Canada, Japan, Korea, Mexico, Morocco, New Zealand, Singapore, Switzerland and the US), which concerns procedures and measures to enforce rules which already exist in Europe. It gives holders of intellectual property rights protective tools against large-scale and organised counterfeiting operations. European intellectual property rights owners will see these rights also being upheld in participating countries outside the EU, even where previously they were exposed.
Contrary to some misperceptions being floated, Acta is not just about the internet. It is also about protecting our safety and health. Bogus medicines account for almost 10 per cent of world trade in medicines.

Acta concerns, in equal manner, the European author who is confronted with pirated copies of his or her book outside the EU, or the clothing company that discovers fake reproductions of its lines competing with its genuine products to the detriment of returns on its investment in product development.

The text of Acta has been publicly available since April 2010. It exists online in Maltese and all the other EU official languages. The negotiations for Acta within the EU structures were no different than similar negotiations on any other international agreement. Any intimations of secret proceedings are incorrect. Intergovernmental negotiations dealing with issues that have an economic impact do not however take place in public and negotiators are bound by a certain level of discretion. Under the Lisbon Treaty and the revised Framework Agreement, there are clear rules on how the European Parliament should be informed of such trade negotiations and these have been followed scrupulously.

The Commissioner, Karel De Gucht, has participated in three plenary debates of the European Parliament, replied to dozens of written and oral questions by MEPs, as well to two Resolutions and one Declaration of the EP. Commission services have also provided several dedicated briefings to MEPs during the negotiations.

The agreement is in line with current EU legislation which fully respects the fundamental rights and civil liberties of its citizens, in particular privacy, freedom of expression and data protection.

In a nutshell, Acta acts against large scale infringements very often being indulged in by criminal organisations. It is by no stretch of the imagination a restriction or control of the private use of the internet by citizens.

The European Commission is actively pursuing and promoting a digital agenda, including the most widespread, efficient and fully available internet for citizens, as a policy priority entrenched as one of the seven flagship initiatives of the Europe 2020 growth strategy.
Mr Bugelli is Head, European Commission Representation in Malta.